Kinsella archives

Thursday, July 26, 2007

One ping, Jonesy

One ping only...







Folks, take my advice. You can dig up all kind of shit on Kinsella. I've posted a lot on the web. Or you can get a life and let the pols, the hacks and the ratfuckers fight it out.
Take your kid fishing. Write a poem. Make love. Go for a walk in the sun, rain or snow.

Friday, January 05, 2007

New address

Looking for something on the self-styled Prince o' Darkness? The full archives are here.
You'll find:

The various threats Kinsella has made against bloggers.
Links to Ontario Legislature Hansards of debates in which Kinsella was denounced by Opposition MPPs. There are quite a few, especially regarding the Ontario Lottery Corp. scandal and cover-up attempt.
Kinsella's $40,000 libel settlement to a man libelled in Web of Hate
Discussions of Kinsella, sponsorship and Gomery
Nasty reviews of Kinsella's shitty book on punk rock
Links to Kinsella's denunciations of the National Post, Liberals, and lots of others.

Take some time. Stay a while. Have fun with it.

Saturday, December 16, 2006

Wikipedia Warren

This is what Kinsella's Wikipedia entry says:

Warren Kinsella

Warren Kinsella in his basementFor the Canadian author, see W. P. Kinsella.
J. Warren Kinsella, (born August 1960 in Montreal, Quebec), is a Toronto-based Canadian lawyer, author, musician, political consultant, lobbyist and commentator.

Contents [hide]
1 Education and career history
2 Politics
3 Gomery Commission
4 Legal action against bloggers
5 Involvement in punk rock
6 Personal life
7 Works
8 References
9 External links



Education and career history
After receiving a bachelor's degree in journalism from Carleton University, Kinsella worked at the Ottawa Citizen newspaper. He subsequently earned a law degree from the University of Calgary and was a partner at the law firm McMillan Binch.[1] He left McMillan Binch in 2002 to work for the Toronto-based lobbying firm Navigator. [2] In April 2006, Kinsella launched his own political consulting firm, the Daisy Consulting Group. Kinsella is also a media columnist for the National Post.


Politics
Kinsella worked as a staffer in opposition leader Jean Chrétien's office, a strategy advisor in the Canadian federal Liberal Party's 1993 election campaign "task force", and chief of staff to federal Public Works minister David Dingwall. In his book Kicking Ass in Canadian Politics, Kinsella describes how he cultivates the image of "Liberal attack dog", and the "James Carville" and "Prince of Darkness" of Canadian politics. Kinsella gained national exposure during the 2000 federal election when, acting on an idea by Liberal campaign staffer Sophie Galarneau[3], he appeared on television brandishing a toy Barney dinosaur as part of an editorial comment on Stockwell Day's Christian creationist beliefs. Kinsella ran as a Liberal candidate in the 1997 federal election in the riding of North Vancouver and lost.

Kinsella was a vocal supporter of Prime Minister Jean Chrétien. He criticized the Paul Martin Liberal campaign several times in the 2004 federal election, and 2006 election.

Kinsella is a member of the board of directors of the Canada Israel Committee.[4]


Gomery Commission
Kinsella's actions as an aide to a Liberal cabinet minister brought questions over his role in the lead-up to the 2004 Canadian sponsorship scandal. In 1995, while working for David Dingwall, then Minister of Public Works, Kinsella wrote a memo to deputy minister Ran Quail recommending that the government's communications be reorganized under a centralized delivery system and that Charles Guité be assigned to head the new agency. However, Ran Quail dismissed the memo as a "mistake by an inexperienced staffer." Dingwall testified that he didn't remember the incident, but assumed that he must have instructed Kinsella to write the memo. The Communications Co-ordination Services Branch that was created in November 1997 consisted of almost exactly the consolidation of functions that had been advocated by Kinsella and was headed by Charles Guité. In his report on the scandal, Justice John Gomery noted that the memo was "a highly inappropriate attempt by political staff to interfere in the internal administration" of the department. In testimony at the commission, Kinsella was revealed as the person who introduced Guité to Jacques Corriveau, the man who accepted the ad kickbacks for the Liberal Party and wrote a memo to Guité saying Corriveau should be given contracts.[2] [5] Kinsella was a witness at the Gomery Commission[6] and frequently mocked Judge Gomery on his web site. In 2006, Guité was convicted of defrauding the federal government and sentenced to 42 months in prison. [3]


Legal action against bloggers
In 2004, Kinsella threatened legal action against Canadian bloggers who he alleged libelled him. The matter was eventually settled without litigation when most parties involved came to compromise. The issue aroused controversy in the Canadian blogging community. In January, 2006, he threatened to sue a blogger for posting about Kinsella's role in hiring Chuck Guite in the lead-up to the sponsorship scandal.[7]


Involvement in punk rock

Front CoverIn his youth, Kinsella was the bassist of the Canadian punk band, "The Hot Nasties".[8] In 2005, Kinsella wrote Fury's Hour: A (sort-of) Punk-Rock Manifesto (Random House, 2005), a history of the early days of punk.

Kinsella is now playing in punk rock band Shit From Hell, which features several former or current Liberal Party of Ontario and Liberal Party of Canada staffers. They have one album.

He wrote the song, Barney Rubble is My Double, featured on the Hot Nasties long play cassette tape and the Shit From Hell self titled CD. It was also covered by The Evaporator's on their Ripple Rock album.


Personal life
He is the son of physician and medical ethicist Douglas Kinsella, C.M., founder of the National Council on Ethics in Human Research (NCEHR). He and his wife have four children. In late 2000, he established a weblog, "Latest Musings".[9]


Works

Unholy Alliances (Lester, 1992)
Web of Hate: Inside Canada's Far Right Network ISBN 0-00-638051-4 (HarperCollins, 1997)
Party Favours (HarperCollins, 1997)
Kicking Ass in Canadian Politics (Random House, 2001)
Fury's Hour: A (sort-of) Punk-Rock Manifesto (Random House, 2005)

This is what Kinsella wants it to say:


Warren Kinsella
J. Warren Kinsella, (born August 1960 in Montreal, Quebec), is a Toronto-based Canadian lawyer, author, musician, political consultant, lobbyist and commentator.


Education and career history
Warren Kinsella has a Bachelor's Degree in Journalism (Honours) from Carleton University, as well as a law degree from the University of Calgary. He is the president of a new firm, The Daisy Consulting Group, recalling the name of a Democratic Party ad in the 1964 U.S. presidential election[[1]]. He worked as a strategist in the Canadian federal Liberal Party's 1993 election campaign "task force", as a staffer in Prime Minister Jean Chrétien's office before Chretien won the 1993 federal election, and as chief of staff to federal Public Works minister David Dingwall. He also ran the Liberal Party "war room" in the successful 2000 election campaign.


Politics
Kinsella's work as a political strategist has led to his being labelled by his opponents a "Liberal attack dog", and the "James Carville" and "Prince of Darkness" of Canadian politics. Kinsella gained national exposure during the 2000 federal election when he appeared on the CTV television show Canada AM brandishing a purple Barney dinosaur to highlight Stockwell Day's creationist beliefs. He ran as a Liberal candidate in the 1997 federal election in the riding of North Vancouver which he lost. The next year, Kinsella moved to Toronto to work for the Bay Street law firm McMillan Binch.

Kinsella was a vocal supporter of Prime Minister Jean Chrétien and criticized Paul Martin for challenging Chrétien's leadership. He criticized the Martin campaign several times in the 2004 federal election, and 2006 election [2]. In December 2006, he revealed on his National Post blog [[3]]that his firm had been actively supporting the candidacy of new Liberal leader Stephane Dion.


Gomery Inquiry
Kinsella was, and remains, highly critical of the Gomery Inquiry into the federal sponsorship program. The program came into existence two years after Kinsella left government service[[4]], but the former Chretien aide often publicly defended Chretien's role in the affair, and attacked Judge Gomery for alleged bias. After writing to request an opportunity to appear before the inquiry, Kinsella was a witness at the Gomery Commission and frequently derired Judge Gomery on his web site and in the media. He also successfully sued one of his persistent online critics, blogger Mark Bourrie, over a post by Bourrie regarding Kinsella's role in the affair [5]. Kinsella's lawyer argued, "The way in which it was written leaves it to the reader to conclude that Mr. Kinsella was a participant in the kickback scandal and he was not". Bourrie issued an apology and made a payment in settlement: "The manner in which my January 14, 2006 blog entry was worded made it seem that Mr. Kinsella had been a party to illegal conduct when this was clearly not the case. I apologize without reservation to Mr. Kinsella for that error on my part.[[6]]"


Involvement in punk rock

Front CoverIn his youth, Kinsella was the bassist of the Canadian punk band, "The Hot Nasties".[1] In 2005, Kinsella wrote Fury's Hour: A (sort-of) Punk-Rock Manifesto (Random House, 2005), a history of the early days of punk.

Kinsella is now playing in punk rock band Shit From Hell, which features many former or current Liberal Party of Ontario and Liberal Party of Canada staffers. They have one album.

He wrote the song, Barney Rubble is My Double, featured on the Hot Nasties long play cassette tape and the Shit From Hell self titled CD. It was also covered by The Evaporator's on their Ripple Rock album.


Personal life
He is the son of physician and medical ethicist Douglas Kinsella, C.M., founder of the National Council on Ethics in Human Research (NCEHR). He and his wife have four children. In late 2000, he established a weblog, "Latest Musings".[2]


Works
Unholy Alliances (Lester, 1992)
Web of Hate: Inside Canada's Far Right Network ISBN 0-00-638051-4 (HarperCollins, 1997)
Party Favours (HarperCollins, 1997)
Kicking Ass in Canadian Politics (Random House, 2001)
Fury's Hour: A (sort-of) Punk-Rock Manifesto (Random House, 2005)

Friday, December 15, 2006

We'll be moving soon

This site will be moving to a brand-spanking, ratfucker-proof new web site in the next few days (as soon as I'm finished marking exams and my wife's finished writing them).

I'll get the material into some kind of order, have more graphics and pictures, and much, much more on-the-record stuff about everyone's fave self-styled Prince o' Darkness.

BTW, what's the difference between Warren Kinsellout and James Carville?

About 100 IQ points.

Thursday, December 14, 2006

Chemical Ali: On the Wrong Side of Environment

Warren Kinsella: Chemical Lobbyist
Peter Rempel Fri Apr 8, 2005
(www.thepolitic.com)

Remember when Warren Kinsella, during the depths of his hair-pulling contest with Norm Spector, would refer to Norm as, “Norman Spector, Big Tobacco Lobbyist”? Well, it would now appear that Warren is not himself averse to lobbying for (and, of course, getting paid to lobby for) big corporate groups whose interests are not necessarily in keeping with those of the general public.

Yesterday the G&M reported that Warren had been registered as an industry lobbyist in Ontario, and here is the registration information. Honestly, it makes for interesting reading. Here are two interesting tid-bits I pulled out of it.

The group that Warren will lobby for is a coalition named the Coalition for a Sustainable Environment. Sounds wonderful, except that it is a coalition of industry groups and one of the groups represented in the coalition is the Canadian Chemical Producers Association. So Warren is now being paid to lobby for corporate chemical interests? Gotcha.
If this surprised you as it did me given Warren’s impecable progressive pedigree, you will be further surprised to learn that the reason Warren will be lobbying the Ontario government is to either water down or scrap entirely Bill 133 2004 - Environmental Enforcement Statute Law Amendment Act An Act to amend the Environmental Protection Act and the Ontario Water Resources Act in respect of enforcement and other matters. So Warren is now in the pay of corporate chemical interests, with the goal of watering down or trashing an environmental protection law.
Which might lead one to ask: What is so odious about Bill 133 that Warren would be willing to become a Chemical Lobbyist and work to see it watered down or trashed? Is it the part where an offense is created when a contaminant is discharged into the natural environment? Or maybe it’s the part where such contaminant discharges are required to be immediately reported? Both are such hideous infringements upon the chemical industry. If the chemical interests that Warren represents want to dump chemicals into waterways, then why shouldn’t they?!

Answers to such questions have not been forthcoming on Warren’s chatty website. Until they are, I hereby dub thee, “Warren Kinsella, Chemical Lobbyist.”

The North Vancouver Stomp

Nortrh Vancouver
Canadian federal election, 1997

Party Candidate Votes % vote Expenditures
Reform Ted White 27,075 48.86% $63,443
Liberal Warren Kinsella 18,806 33.94% $62,704
New Democratic Party Martin Stuible 5,075 9.15% $11,938
Progressive Conservative Dennis Prouse 2,740 4.94% $14,159
Green Peggy Stortz 982 1.77% $173
Independent Dallas Lindley Collins 365 0.65%
Canadian Action Wayne Mulherin 203 0.36% $1,359
Natural Law Ken Chawkin 162 0.29%

Total valid votes 55,408 100.00%
Total rejected ballots 167 0.30%
Turnout 55,575 71.83%

Wednesday, December 13, 2006

Follow da Money

Gillian Cosgrove, National Post, Jan. 23, 2004

gcosgrove@rogers.com
Now that Belinda Stronach is officially seeking the Conservative leadership, all the pontificators who routinely analyze politics should be man (or woman) enough to openly declare their conflicts of interest.
Working furiously behind the scenes for a candidate and then passing yourself off on a public forum as an "independent" observer is downright unprofessional.
Harsh scrutiny, in sum, shouldn't be just for politicians.
Last week, on TVOntario, Janet Ecker, the former finance minister of Ontario, commented on her colleague Tony Clement's candidacy. Could her glowing remarks about Ms. Stronach be somehow linked to her tireless work for Ms. Stronach? She neglected to mention it and Studio 2 host Steve Paikin conveniently forgot to point it out. Then Rick Anderson, one-time Preston Manning strategist, weighed in with an attack in the Toronto Star on Stephen Harper's campaign kickoff speech. He heaped scorn on Mr. Harper for portraying himself as Mr. Everyman going up against multi-millionaire politicians Paul Martin and Belinda Stronach. Ms. Stronach was a "bona fide Canadian success story." The success of people like Martin and the Stronachs "deserves commendation not derision." Yadda yadda. Guess who Rick is supporting?
Finally, before and after Belinda declared on Tuesday, on Newsworld's indispensible Politics with Don Newman, Tory lobbyist Geoff Norquay gave Ms. Stronach a gushing review. Only later in the show did he admit that he was contributing policy ideas to her campaign.
Nothing wrong with backing your own horse, but, when you have a public pulpit, you have to be up front. (As for yours truly, Belinda once sent me a bouquet of lilies after I wrote about her friendship with Bill Clinton. Go figure!)
WE FOLLOW THE MONEY
Leadership campaigns attract sundry mercenaries, from old war horses who direct strategy to keeners who pound pavements signing up new members. All are lured by rainstorms of cash. Bearing in mind that big egos often inflate what they earn, here are sums being bandied about. Top strategists in the Stronach camp are reportedly earning $150,000, plus a bonus if she wins. Navigator Ltd. -- kennel of pitbulls (three Tories, one Liberal) Stewart Braddick, Jaime Watt, Greg Lyle and Warren Kinsella -- is said to be banking $4,000 a day from the Stronach and Clement campaigns. That's $240,000 for a 60-day race. Not bad work if you can get it. Relative stiffs, advance men and baggage handlers are raking in a meagre $25,000 each for two months' toil.
A source out West says that when Calgary lawyer Jim Prentice dropped out, Stronach bagmen swooped in, offering his team double what they were making.

Loyalty is for dogs

Gillian Cosgrove, Sept. 27, 2004

gcosgrove@rogers.com
Like cadaverous James Carville, the Bill Clinton pit bull, there seems to be no limits to which Warren Kinsella, Canada's own political pit bull, won't go -- even if it means sticking the knife into the back of someone he once supported.
The aptly named John Tory had barely finished celebrating his victory in the Ontario Conservative leadership race last weekend when Mr. Kinsella launched a cartoon Web site ridiculing the new leader as Richie Rich and his 24-member caucus as a bunch of Stone Age cavemen. This is the same Mr. Kinsella who eagerly backed Mr. Tory in his bid to become mayor of Toronto less than a year ago.
The animation, complete with Flintstones music, shows comic book character Richie Rich flipping ribs over a barbecue with other Flintstone characters looking on. Click on the stone tablets at www.cavemancaucus.org and Mr. Tory is described as "a member of the downtown Toronto elite."
Mr. Tory has shrugged off this attempt to portray the Tories as Neanderthals as a case of "Warren being up to his old tricks." You might recall that it was Mr. Kinsella who held up a purple Barney dinosaur on TV to ridicule the creationist ideas of Stockwell Day, the former Canadian Alliance leader.
Making fun of a politician because he is successful may very well backfire. It's also a tad hypocritical because there are many more well-to-do Liberals on the other side of the fence.
GRIT LEADERSHIP STAKES
When Mr. Kinsella is not stirring up trouble for Tories, he is feverishly working behind the scenes to promote the leadership aspirations of former Liberal finance minister John Manley.
In a thinly disguised criticism of Paul Martin's performance as Prime Minister, Mr. Manley was the first to openly question last week's $41-billion health accord with the provinces, with its Quebec side deal, as a sellout to Quebec that in effect gives it special status.
Then out of the woodwork came Maurizio Bevilacqua, formerly a pro- Martin MP who mysteriously has received zilch for his loyalty. He made clear his concern about the weakening of the federal government in what some old-timers from the Trudeau years are calling "Meech II."
The views of the Trudeau camp are best expressed by Senator Serge Joyal, a constitutional expert, who said that recognizing "asymmetrical federalism" could have the far-reaching effect of redefining the role of the central government.
Both Mr. Manley and Mr. Bevilacqua have been quietly criss- crossing the country to assess their support for a leadership bid.
Meanwhile, another long-shot contender for the leadership emerged this week to the delight of Bay Street. Scott Brison, the Public Works Minister, was in Toronto to tell the business crowd about his proposal to sell off some of the federal government's office buildings. He is well-liked on the Street because, as a former investment banker, he has always supported bank mergers, a view now being echoed by David Emerson, the Industry Minister.
When Mr. Brison defected from the Tories to the Liberals last December, I took pride in having predicted it two months earlier. Today, I'm prepared to go out on a limb and predict he will succeed Mr. Martin as Liberal leader. Age (only 37) and ambition are on his side.

Grim Spector of scrutiny

Norman Spector,

Trail Daily Times, Jan. 12, 2005

Is it any wonder Jean Chretien's lawyers are attacking the chair of the sponsorship inquiry, Mr. Justice John Gomery?
Last week, former Public Works minister David Dingwall testified that Chuck Guite was the right man to run the program because he was "universally acclaimed" in Ottawa after the 1995 Quebec referendum. That would be the same referendum, by the way, in which Jean Chretien almost lost the country. I suspect that the real attraction in Dingwall's mind, as Guite testified, was that he'd not rat on those giving the orders.
This week, the minister responsible for ensuring that the nightmare was never repeated, Stephane Dion, testified he had no involvement with sponsorships. After he discovered and looked into the program in 2001, he found it was useless for national unity.
Later in the week, however, Alphonso Gagliano's chief of staff, Jean-Marc Bard, said the sponsorship program was well known in Quebec--especially to his minister. That would be the same Gagliano, by the way, whose responsibilities as political minister for Quebec included fundraising, organizing golf tournaments and electing Liberal MPs.
Bard replaced Pierre Tremblay, parachuted from Gagliano's political office into the public service to replace Chuck Guite. In Ottawa, unlike most provinces, this is standard operating procedure- -though the Tremblay example is more blatant than most.
Guite was "suggested" to the deputy minister as the right guy for the job by Dingwall's Executive Assistant, Warren Kinsella, who lately has been leading the charge against Judge Gomery and one of the Inquiry's counsels.
When his turn came to testify, he received soft treatment from the other counsel, a man who has deep links to Liberals, including Jean Chretien's closest confidants. For his part, Bard suffered repeated memory lapses related to documents showing he was the link between Liberal MPs and the lolly.
There's considerable evidence that the principal goal of the program was not national unity, but to elect more Liberal MPs in Quebec--a matter that figured prominently in Mr. Chretien's self- proclaimed legacy when he left office.
For example, the spending continued years after the 1995 referendum, when Quebec had turned its attention away from sovereignty to the deficit. With the decline in Premier Lucien Bouchard's popularity, it was pretty clear that he was in no position to call another referendum.
Moreover, Mr. Chretien's chief of staff, Jean Pelletier, took a hands-on approach in deciding which events received funding, how much they received and which advertising firms should get commissions for transferring cheques. Pelletier's principal responsibility as chief political adviser to Chretien was not national unity but to elect Liberals. country.
Over the course of its life, 40 per cent of the sponsorship budget of $250-million found its way to communications and advertising agencies known for their heavy donations to the Liberal Party. The same firms are also known to have contributed skilled staff as volunteers to work in election campaigns.
The Opposition parties are livid about the challenge to Gomery's impartiality, and there's even talk, especially by Stephen Harper, of bringing down the government. However, it makes no sense to hold Paul Martin accountable if Gomery refuses to resign and Chretien's lawyers take the matter to the Federal Court. In that event, we'd likely not see his final report before the next election.
It's still not clear whether Chretien--famous for the Shawinigan handshake and other tough guy moves--is trying to kill the commission, or merely to soften it up before he testifies. Whatever the reason, the Opposition--ideally with the support of the Government, assuming it wants answers--must seize the initiative from Chretien.
They should demand, in a Commons motion, that Martin immediately refer the legal challenge to the Supreme Court for an expedited hearing. They should also demand he commit not to call an election before the final report is complete.
In these circumstances, it would be wise to suspend Gomery's work, rather than have Chretien testify with a sword hanging over the Commissioner's and counsel's heads.

Andrew Coyne tests our faith

National Post, Feb. 12, 2005:

ac@andrewcoyne.com
Here is what we are asked to believe.
We are asked to believe that Jean Chretien, having created the sponsorship program, having personally secured funding for the program out of the so-called "unity reserve," having personal authority over every ministerial request for funds from that allocation and having been warned in writing by the Clerk of the Privy Council that he would thus be personally responsible for every departmental grant made out of those funds, should accept no personal blame for anything that went wrong under the program.
We are asked to believe that, although the program was critical to achieving "the unity of Canada ... my number one priority," he had no knowledge of and indeed took no interest in the way the program was run because "I'm not a micro-manager"; that, in particular, he had no knowledge that a company controlled by Jacques Corriveau, a close friend and former vice-president of the Liberal Party, had received millions of dollars in sub-contracts under the program, nor that, prior to receiving these commissions, he had complained to Mr. Chretien's closest political advisers that he had not been paid for work carried out in the 1997 election campaign, nor even that he had contributed thousands of dollars to Mr. Chretien's personal election campaign.
We are asked to believe this, notwithstanding Mr. Chretien's demonstrated penchant for "micro-managing" on behalf of friends in search of federal funds. It was, after all, in those same post- referendum years when the sponsorship program was in its heyday that Mr. Chretien somehow found the time to make repeated phone calls to the president of the Business Development Bank of Canada on behalf of the proprietor of the Grand-Mere Inn, the serial fire-victim Yvon Duhaime, who was mysteriously granted a loan for which he was ineligible.
And Mr. Duhaime was hardly the only friend of Mr. Chretien's to benefit from federal largesse. For example. there was Claude Gauthier, a long time friend and political contributor who was awarded a $6-million CIDA grant on which he was ineligible to bid, and who was later given a $1.2-million "job creation" grant for a company in bankruptcy proceedings, after Mr. Chretien's officials intervened.
We are asked to believe that Mr. Chretien was so insistent, when it came to federal advertising and sponsorships, that "all the rules, regulations and guidelines had to be followed," that he appointed Jean Carle, then his director of operations, to police it. That would be the Jean Carle who has admitted to having later participated, as vice-president of the Business Development Bank, in a scheme to launder $125,000 in sponsorship funding to a Montreal film producer through the Bank. But perhaps that was his only lapse.
We are asked to believe, likewise, that Mr. Chretien was so concerned to remove any partisan taint from federal advertising practices that he assigned the task to David Dingwall, his first Public Works minister; and that Mr. Dingwall and his executive assistant, Warren Kinsella, were so seized with non-partisan zeal that they went to unusual lengths to ensure Chuck Guite was put in charge of the program. Mr. Guite has testified that Mr. Dingwall explained his decision to keep him on, notwithstanding similar activities on behalf of the previous Conservative government, with the words: "You won't rat on them, you won't rat on us."
We are asked to believe that neither Jean Pelletier, the Prime Minister's chief of staff, nor Alfonso Gagliano, Mr. Guite's superior as minister of Public Works, though they met regularly with Mr. Guite, and though they admit to having offered "suggestions" as to which projects should receive funding, and though several witnesses and dozens of documents attest to their having closely directed the program in every respect, took any part in deciding how the funds should be allocated, i.e. through which advertising agencies.
We are asked to believe that the politicians responsible for a program that was conceived in secret, that appeared in no budget document, that was never divulged to Parliament and of which even cabinet ministers were unaware, should have been surprised to learn that bureaucrats answering to them were allocating millions of dollars in secret, without invoices or receipts.
We are asked to believe, last, that Paul Martin did not know about the existence of the unity reserve until 1996, three years after he had been named Finance Minister; that he did not know what it was used for, i.e. sponsorships, until some years after that; and that he did not know about the abuses that went on under the program until some years after that. And yet, ignorant as he was as to either the purpose or results of the program, he immediately signed off on the Prime Minister's request for funds, without question.
We are asked to believe that Messrs. Chretien, Pelletier, Gagliano, Carle, Dingwall, and Kinsella acted at all times throughout this affair out of an impartial devotion to the public good; or that if they did not, Mr. Martin had no clue that anything untoward was going on, and no reason to suspect it.
That is what we are asked to believe. Do you?

"My friend" Paul Wells, "My friend" Andrew Coyne

Kinsella claims friendships with people with whom he exchanged these e-mails and blog postings, less than two years ago:

(Copyright National Post 2005, Feb. 14, 2005)
The ongoing Gomery inquiry into Adscam is months from completion. But it has already produced what may be the most memorable battle in the history of the Canadian blogosphere. What follows is a thumbnail chronology.
Jan. 25: Chretien-friendly blogger Warren Kinsella (warrenkinsella.com) takes issue with Norman Spector, whose blog (www.members.shaw.ca/nspector4) highlights a wire story on former Canada Post boss Georges Clermont's testimony before Gomery. In an e- mail that Spector later posts on his site, Kinsella calls Clermont "a liar," and warns Spector of what's to come. "You want a fight, Norman?" he asks. "You've got one. Ask Kim Campbell and Stockwell Day how much they enjoyed being a focus of my attentions."
Meanwhile, over at warrenkinsella.com, Kinsella attacks "Tobacco Lobbyist Norman" for being "up to his old Mulroney-esque tricks again."
Maclean's magazine blogger Paul Wells (macleans.ca/paulwells) then weighs in by poking fun at Kinsella's e-mail to Spector, despite the acknowledged risk of "giving [Kinsella] more attention than he has ever deserved."
Jan. 26: Kinsella posts an image of Wells with devil's horns, recounting in vivid detail Wells's objection to a similar cartoon being posted on his site amid a 2001 dispute.
Feb. 3: Following several further shots at Kinsella on Spector's site, Kinsella accuses Spector of being "obsessed." To explain "what's gotten up Norman's formidable nose," he offers a nine-round account of their battle, including transcripts of e-mails and libel notices, capped up by christening Spector "(Almost) Million-Dollar Crybaby."
Feb. 7: Spector takes aim at Kinsella in his Globe and Mail print column, repeating a previous suggestion that the Law Society of Upper Canada should look into his "antics."
Kinsella retorts by again implying legal action. "Am I going to respond?" he writes. "Yes. But not on a Web site."
Feb. 8: "You have to really wonder about a guy who thinks threats and attacks will scare people away from writing about this stuff," Spector writes on his site, noting that "Folks at The Globe tell me Warren Kinsella was mighty upset that I wrote about his role, and was even hinting he'd be speaking to his lawyer."
Feb. 12: Kinsella objects to Andrew Coyne's take in a National Post column about his alleged role in federal advertising policy during the 1990s. "I will give Andrew Coyne the benefit of the doubt, and not immediately conclude that he is a ... liar," he blogs. "I will merely assume, at this stage, that he is ... sloppy, lazy and blindingly partisan."
On his own blog (andrewcoyne.com), Coyne responds to the criticism by posting an e-mail from Kinsella -- complete with the requisite libel notice -- complaining about his column, along with his own detailed reply (an edited version of which would appear on these pages the next day).
Kinsella follows up by noting on his site that Coyne cc'd "energetic Warren-hater Norm Spector" in one of their e-mail exchanges. "Golly! I wonder if that means that Andrew wasn't planning on being altogether fair to Yours Truly, when he wrote about the sponsorship program (and tried to link me to same) in today's Post?" he writes.
Paul Wells rejoins the blog wars by cheering on Coyne.
Not to be left out, Spector questions the ethics of journalists who have been seduced by Kinsella's "black arts."
Feb. 14: Kinsella proposes a truce. "I am declaring an armistice with Coyne/Spector/Wells," he writes. "Hell, if the Israelis and the Palestinians can do it, so can Your Humble Narrator."
A fitting sentiment for Valentine's Day, Warren. You're a blogger, not a fighter.

Greg Weston: Why are Chretien's men so afraid?

March 7, 2005
OTTAWA - Jean Chretien's junk-yard dogs are at it again, yapping and snapping at the Gomery inquiry into the AdScam mess, apparently barking for the commission's early demise.
In recent weeks, former Chretien operatives and other Liberal leftovers have been howling over the costs of the commission, with some estimates now running as high as $80 million.
Cost alone is reason enough to shut the inquiry down, they growl.
The latest cacophony from the Chretien kennel club erupted last Monday following an Ipsos-Reid poll on public attitudes towards the inquiry, now at its half-way mark.
The survey conducted for CTV and The Globe and Mail suggests 61 per cent of Canadians don't believe the commission will get to the bottom of AdScam, but 53 per cent think it is worth trying, even at a cost of $80 million.
About 37 per cent of those polled thought Justice John Gomery has shown a "bias" against Chretien, and perhaps with reason -- almost 80 per cent of respondents didn't believe the former PM's testimony.
The poll caused an instant roar from Warren Kinsella, the loudest and most vicious (and easily most annoying) of Chretien's barking bowsers.
Last Monday, Kinsella wrote the following commentary on his website (remember, this guy is a lawyer talking about a commission headed by a respected member of the judiciary):
"Well, let's see -- a majority of Canadians think this pile of judicial garbage won't find out anything.
"A whack of Canadians think its $80 million (and counting) price tag is obscenely high.
"And a huge number -- bigger even in Quebec, where they are paying the closest attention -- think Judge Gomery is biased against Jean Chretien, and has already written his final report.
"Apart from all that, public opinion on the Gomery Pyle Circus is just great. Just swell."
So much sniffing and snorting from Chretien's critters surely suggests only one thing: They have something to fear.
It all has the pungent smell of the Somalia inquiry, shut down in mid-stream by the Chretien government with all the same advance sniping now being used on Gomery.
The Somalia inquiry, we were told, was costing too much, taking too long, not getting to the bottom of the scandal, casting unfair aspersions on the public service, and was clearly biased.
Having successfully whitewashed the Somalia debacle, the Chretien crowd may have thought it could similarly bring about the demise of the Gomery commission with the same tactics. Good luck to them.
Most Canadians may not be enthralled with the ponderous proceedings of the AdScam inquiry to date, but taxpayers still want to know what happened to $250 million of their money that disappeared into what Gomery has already aptly described as the "catastrophically run" sponsorship program.
We know from last Monday's testimony that more than $10 million of it wound up in the family bank accounts of Jean Lafleur, former head of Lafleur Communications Marketing, one of the Montreal ad agencies at the centre of the AdScam fiasco.
And that's just the beginning.
But this is about a lot more than just missing money.
If the latest public opinion poll shows anything, it is that Canadians have become so utterly cynical about government management of our tax dollars, that there is now a widespread public skepticism towards even a royal commission headed by a revered judge.
At the same time, the Gomery commission is about far more than finding a way to fix a corrupted government program.
It is about restoring a sense of pride in ethical conduct to a public service that has been led for a decade by the worst possible example of amoral leadership.
Chretien's dogs can bark all they want.
Wethinks they doth protest too much.
Credit: Sun Media Corp.

Follow the money: Who's yer daddy, Warren, Part I

April 8, 2005


TORONTO (CP) -- Allegations of backroom dealings dogged the Ontario government Thursday after it was revealed a longtime Liberal strategist who is now a chemical industry lobbyist attended a cabinet meeting.
The revelation comes just days after environmental legislation that's tough on industry polluters was sent to public hearings.
"They're admitting, if not publicly, they've made some serious errors in this legislation, or someone has convinced them that they've made some serious errors," said Conservative house leader Bob Runciman. "We need to know why that happened."
Warren Kinsella, who has served the Liberals in numerous advisory roles over the years, attended cabinet on March 23, raising eyebrows among the opposition parties.
"After no movement for six months on the environmental spills bill, suddenly it was referred to committee this week without having any debate in this house," Runciman told the legislature.
"Premier, this is the same bill for which your top political fixer Warren Kinsella is receiving big cheques as the lobbyist for those opposed to the bill. ... Do you not see a massive conflict of interest here?"

Globe and Mail version, April 7, 2005:

The Ontario government came under attack yesterday for allowing an influential Liberal Party strategist to attend a cabinet meeting just days after he was hired to lobby against proposed environmental legislation that would impose stiff penalties on polluters.
Progressive Conservative Bob Runciman asked Premier Dalton McGuinty why Warren Kinsella was allowed to attend the meeting on March 23, nine days after he signed on to help the chemical industry fight legislation that Mr. Runciman says is now at risk of being watered down.
"Do you not see a massive conflict of interest here?" the Tory MPP asked during Question Period.
"I can assure you that Mr. Kinsella did not in any way, shape or form broach that particular topic," Mr. McGuinty replied.
Mr. Kinsella, who played a key role in Mr. McGuinty's election campaign, also said there was nothing nefarious about his presence at the meeting. He said he met with the Premier's cabinet to share his insights with them into provincial Progressive Conservative Leader John Tory. Mr. Kinsella worked on Mr. Tory's mayoral campaign in Toronto last year.
"I did not, and would not, speak to cabinet about Bill 133," Mr. Kinsella said in an e-mail response to a request for an interview. "That would be improper, clearly. That's so obvious it barely merits saying."
Instead, he explained in the e-mail, he talked to cabinet members about his views of Mr. Tory: "I told cabinet that I did not feel John Tory handled pressure very well, at all, and that -- when facing a superior opponent -- John Tory tends to let members of his team make completely baseless and stupid allegations. And that's what happened today [in Question Period]," he said in the e-mail. "I also told them John is quite thin-skinned."
Brendan Howe, Mr. Tory's spokesman, retorted that the only one who appears to have thin skin is Mr. Kinsella. "He should really know better than to go into cabinet meetings as a high-paid lobbyist and the associated smell that creates," Mr. Howe said.
Mr. Kinsella appeared on the provincial lobbyist registry on March 14 as representing the Coalition for a Sustainable Environment, which speaks for more than a dozen industry groups.
Dwight Duncan, Energy Minister and cabinet chairman, told reporters that Mr. Kinsella would not have heard any cabinet debate.

National Post, same day (the Post now employs poluter lobbyist Kinsella as its "media columnist", which, I suppose, makes sense):

Tough new environmental legislation that would impose stiff penalties on polluters responsible for spills is in danger of being watered down now that industry has hired lobbyist and Liberal insider Warren Kinsella to fight the proposed bill, the opposition charged yesterday at Queen's Park.
"You bring forward Bill 133 about six months ago, with lots of rhetoric, and then for six months it languishes on the order paper. Nothing happens," NDP Leader Howard Hampton said in the legislature. "On March 14, Warren Kinsella signs up as the lobbyist for the chemical industry that wants this bill watered down. Now, just days later, the bill doesn't come forward for debate; it goes out the side door to committee."
Mr. Kinsella, a senior advisor and strategist for Premier Dalton McGuinty during the Liberals' 2003 election campaign, appeared on the provincial lobbyist registry last month representing the Coalition for a Sustainable Environment. It represents more than a dozen industry groups including The Canadian Chemical Producers' Association, The Canadian Foundry Association, The Canadian Petroleum Products Institute and the Canadian Plastics Industry Association.

Full Text (597 words)
(Copyright National Post 2005)
Anti-pollution legislation: Former McGuinty advisor now working for industry coalition
Tough new environmental legislation that would impose stiff penalties on polluters responsible for spills is in danger of being watered down now that industry has hired lobbyist and Liberal insider Warren Kinsella to fight the proposed bill, the opposition charged yesterday at Queen's Park.
"You bring forward Bill 133 about six months ago, with lots of rhetoric, and then for six months it languishes on the order paper. Nothing happens," NDP Leader Howard Hampton said in the legislature. "On March 14, Warren Kinsella signs up as the lobbyist for the chemical industry that wants this bill watered down. Now, just days later, the bill doesn't come forward for debate; it goes out the side door to committee."
Both Conservatives and New Democrats said it is unusual for a bill to be sent to committee after first reading. Environment Minister Leona Dombrowsky, however, said the Liberals have handled at least three other pieces of legislation the same way since coming to power.
"This is a legitimate manoeuvre that provides the people of Ontario, the members of the public, with an opportunity to comment on this proposed legislation," she said.
Mr. Kinsella, a senior advisor and strategist for Premier Dalton McGuinty during the Liberals' 2003 election campaign, appeared on the provincial lobbyist registry last month representing the Coalition for a Sustainable Environment. It represents more than a dozen industry groups including The Canadian Chemical Producers' Association, The Canadian Foundry Association, The Canadian Petroleum Products Institute and the Canadian Plastics Industry Association.
Art Chamberlain, a spokesman for Ms. Dombrowsky, said nobody in the minister's office has met with Mr. Kinsella, though officials have had telephone conversations with him about the legislation.
"We have met with literally dozens of other industry and environmental groups on this bill, and certainly some of those industry people would have been members of the coalition that he is now working for," he said.
The proposed legislation would allow environment officials to assign immediate penalties against a company or individual responsible for any illegal spills or emissions into the environment. Fines would range as high as $20,000 a day for individuals or $100,000 a day for corporations, with the money dedicated to fixing any damage caused by a spill. Corporations could also still face prosecution.
In addition, the new law would introduce a reverse onus provision requiring corporate directors and officers of a company that spilled illegally to prove the company took all reasonable efforts to prevent the spill. In certain cases, jail time could also be imposed by the courts for offences committed by corporate officers and directors.
Mr. Kinsella referred interview requests to Perrin Beatty, president of the Canadian Manufacturers and Exporters and spokesman for the coalition.
"We agree with the principle of polluter pay, and with the idea of the creation of a community fund that would help to correct problems created as a result of a spill," said Mr. Beatty, a former federal Conservative Cabinet minister.
Mr. Beatty said coalition members are questioning, however, why the proposed legislation would apply only to private sector companies and not to the public sector, including municipalities. He said companies are also concerned that the potential penalties for company directors will deter high-quality people from accepting directorships.
"We need good people on boards to supervise management," he said. The coalition is worried that companies' voluntary efforts to clean up spills will go unacknowledged when cleanup bills are assessed, and also wants to ensure that only high-level bureaucrats have the authority to assess penalties on the spot.

L Ian MacDonald serves up the nitty gritty on sponsorship

(Copyright National Post 2005)
L. Ian MacDonald is editor of Policy Options, the magazine of the Institute for Research on Public Policy.
MONTREAL - What began as a sponsorship scandal is now also an advertising scandal. What began as a Quebec scandal is now also an Ontario scandal. What began as a big Liberal scandal is now even bigger, due to the explosive testimony of Chuck Guite before the Gomery commission.
Government advertising has always been awarded to friends of the party in power. These agencies, as Guite pointed out on Wednesday, "ran the campaigns for the system" -- election campaigns, that is, for the political system.
While the ad agencies have always hidden in plain sight, Gomery has now shone a bright light on their activities.
In September, 2000, the Toronto advertising agency Vickers & Benson was sold to the New York office of Havas, a French advertising firm. The buyer wanted to know, seemingly as a condition of closing the deal, whether V&B's two big government accounts would be maintained -- Tourism Canada and Canada Savings Bonds (CSB), together representing about $50-million a year of billings.
When the deal was in the works, in the winter of 2000, they called Chuck for help. No problem, said Chuck, who had left government as head of all sponsorships and advertising only six months earlier.
He took Alfonso Gagliano, the public works minister, to dinner at Mamma Teresa's in Ottawa and explained the situation.
"I told him what was happening," Guite said. "And I wanted assurance that the volume of business that V&B had from the government would be maintained ... and he said, 'I will look after that.' "
About a week later, Guite testified, he got a call from Pierre Tremblay, Gagliano's chief of staff.
"Saying what?" asked commission counsel Bernard Roy.
"Saying that it will be done."
"What will be done?"
"The minister had spoken to both ministers and the volume of business would be maintained."
The ministers in question, according to Guite's testimony, were Industry Minister John Manley for tourism, and Finance Minister Paul Martin for the CSB campaign.
This is second-hand evidence, and Tremblay is since deceased. But there is one person who can confirm or deny whether he spoke to his ministerial colleagues -- Gagliano himself.
No worries for Chuck, who received what he called "a $100,000 commission" for his work. Though he lobbied two senior government officials, he never registered as a lobbyist. And he was lobbying them only six months after leaving the government, when post- employment rules specify no contact for an entire year.
The tourism account was the subject of phone calls from high places in Chuck's earlier life. After the Chretien government took office, it fired the previous Conservative agency and in 1994 held a competition for the tourism account, the biggest jewel in the government's crown.
Vickers won the competition and was informed by letter, as were the losers, Chuck explained, "when I got a call from the PMO to put the thing on hold."
Guite testified that he was called by Jean Pelletier, chief of staff in the Prime Minister's Office, who ordered him to "stop the process." Why? "Because of the size of the account," Guite explained, "he wanted to split it with two agencies."
The other agency being BCP of Montreal, the firm that has done the Liberal party's campaign advertising in Quebec since the Trudeau years. BCP finished second in the competition, within a 10% margin in the evaluation point system, so PMO was acting within its discretion. It was also acting on a complaint from BCP.
In the end, as Chuck explained, they split the business. V&B got the United States and Asia Pacific, while BCP got Canada and Europe. Thirty million dollars a year each.
These are just two of the many stories Guite told during five long days on the stand. It was a different Chuck Guite from the flamboyant figure who appeared before the Public Accounts Committee a year ago, or before Gomery himself in Ottawa last fall.
This Chuck Guite purports to be giving up everything he knows and everyone he was previously protecting.
He told of being summoned by Warren Kinsella, chief of staff to then public works minister Dave Dingwall in 1994.
"You are going to meet this gentleman," Guite recalled Dingwall telling him, "a chap by the name of Mr. Corriveau, and he is a very, very close friend of the prime minister. And in fact he said, if ever you find somebody in bed between Jean Chretien and his wife it will be Jacques Corriveau."
Then Dingwall said: "You will look after him."
Then they went into the boardroom, where they met Corriveau. Or as Guite recalled, "There is Mr. Corriveau, with Mr. Jean Lafleur."

Why Norman Spector is Number 1, and I'm only Number 2.

Copyright National Post May 6, 2005)
In February, we offered readers a blow-by-blow account of a flame war being played out on the personal weblogs of former Jean Chretien strategist Warren Kinsella and former Brian Mulroney chief of staff Norman Spector. As this excerpted transcript of the latest Kinsella- Spector exchange shows, another round of blogging hostility is well under way.
SPECTOR: TIME TO GET NERVOUS, WARREN (MAY 2) WWW.MEMBERS.SHAW.CA/ NSPECTOR4/
In today's National Post, Warren Kinsella makes the case for sponsorships, falsely claiming that there were none in his day.
The Opposition parties have been wasting a lot of time trying to tie Martin directly to the sponsorship scandal. It's clear this was Chretien's baby, and that Martin was kept well away from control.
Partisanship has obviously gotten in the way of reason, judging from the number of MPs who gave credence to Kinsella's testimony at the Parliamentary Committee. The MPs who will be hearing him, [David] Herle and [Terrie O'Leary] today should get a quick briefing on what [Chuck] Guite had to say last week before making fools of themselves again.
As [Andrew] Coyne put it, does anyone believe that Kinsella and [former public works minister David] Dingwall were sent to Public Works to clean up the system, as opposed to taking control of it on behalf of Chretien? Is anyone really surprised that the Martinis, who wanted their man at 24 Sussex, would have resisted these efforts?
I'm constrained by what I can say about Guite's testimony, but let's just say that any testimony that takes the scandal back to the period before the 1995 referendum should be making Kinsella very, very nervous.
That kind of testimony would also explain Kinsella's attempts to smear Gomery, which appear to have failed.
KINSELLA: STOP BEING A COWARD, NORMAN (MAY 3) WWW.WARRENKINSELLA.COM
Oh, my, here we go again. This is getting tedious.
Every once in a while, I pop by Norman Spector's Web site, which has the production values (and the currency) of a 14th century woodcut. I laugh. I sigh. I remember who Norm is.
Who is Norm, you ask? Norm is another angry old white guy out there on the Left Coast, vilifying his many foes, real and imaginary.
I'm one of them, I guess. Norm hates guys like Dave Dingwall, and Jean Chretien, and me, and the Conservative party, and the Liberal party -- and, well, pretty much everyone.
On Monday, for example, Norm was in a spit-flecked rage over the column I wrote on sponsorships in the Post:
- Norm says I "falsely" claimed there was no sponsorship program from November 1993 to January 1996, when I was at Public Works. I sent Norm a note, quoting the Auditor General's November 2003 report, wherein she says that the sponsorship program was created in "November 1997." By my watch, that's after "January 1996."
I asked Norm to produce a single document showing the sponsorship program existed before that. He wouldn't. He couldn't. So who isn't telling the truth, Norm? Well, that would be you.
- Norm, after likening Chuck Guite to the Anti-Christ, is now championing whatever evidence Chuck is giving under a publication ban. Sitting in his dark little apartment somewhere in Victoria, Norm proclaims MPs who believed anything I had to say were "fools."
So, again, I challenged Norm to make his allegation right out in the open. But he wouldn't. He couldn't. So who is the coward? Well, Norm, that would be you.
- Finally, Norm says I should be "very, very nervous." He doesn't tell us why. But can't you just picture him, all sweaty, breathing heavily into the grimy receiver at a pay phone outside a 7-11, demanding of his source: "Give me something on Dingwall! Give me something on Kinsella!"
Well, here's the rub: I know what Chuck Guite has been saying in Montreal. It's the sort of stuff one would expect of a man who has been broken, and who has changed his story many times, and has been utterly condemned long before trial. I knew Chuck Guite, and I feel really sorry for him. I can't imagine what he is going through.
So, after all that, Norm, who is a jerk? Well, in my opinion, that would be you.

Lobbyist/political strategits/media columnist: Who's yer Daddy, Warren?

Amendments make it harder for province to fine polluters: NDP
Ottawa Citizen, May 20, 2005


TORONTO - Ontario's Liberal government has changed a key piece of environmental legislation, and critics say it will make it more difficult to punish polluters.
New Democrat Marilyn Churley yesterday said hundreds of just- released amendments to Bill 133 -- the "spills bill" -- would raise statutory pollution thresholds, making it more difficult for ministry officials to punish corporations accused of polluting.
Ms. Churley blamed Liberal strategist Warren Kinsella, one of the architects of the party's electoral success in 2003, who was hired as a lobbyist by a coalition of industrial companies.
"The industry got its way in terms of making it harder for environmental inspectors to step in and slap an administrative fine on them," Ms. Churley said.
"This is as dirty as some of the biggest polluters in the province. The polluters and Mr. Kinsella are winning."
Mr. Kinsella denied the charge.
"On behalf of my clients, I can say that we continue to have concerns about Bill 133," Mr. Kinsella wrote in an e-mail.
"So her allegation is baseless."
Bill 133 was presented as groundbreaking legislation last October, when it was announced.
The bill would allow ministry officials to levy quick fines of up to $100,000 a day on corporations that pollute, and up to $20,000 a day on corporate directors or CEOs.
In an unusual move, the bill was sent to committee for changes earlier than usual -- after Mr. Kinsella was hired to lobby against it, Ms. Churley said.
Ramani Nadarajah, counsel for the Canadian Environmental Law Association, says environmental breaches will now be harder to enforce.
But overall, she said, the legislation "does strengthen environmental laws in Ontario."

Burman on Kinsella, Jan. 20, 2006

Copyright National Post 2006)
Re: Ottawa's New Media Order, Warren Kinsella, National Post, Jan. 19
If "change is coming for Canada's media," as Mr. Kinsella predicts, let us hope that columns like his latest will be part of the past. This "one-time Liberal aide" represents the sleazy side to Ottawa politics that traffics in unverified innuendo and self- serving rumour.
Mr. Kinsella's criticism of CBC Television in Ottawa runs counter to recent independent surveys that indicate that CBC's campaign coverage has been far more respected by the majority of Canadians than its competitors. Readers would have better understood Mr. Kinsella's motivation if he had disclosed that the one television network he compliments in his piece -- one of CBC's competitors -- is the one that will employ him on Election Night. Conflict of interest, or what?
But his attack on the CBC's Keith Boag is unconscionable. It is, by any standard, a smear and one that has been invented out of thin air. Mr. Boag is an award-winning journalist who over many years has established a reputation for honest and insightful journalism. In his career achievements, he towers over Mr. Kinsella.
It was shameful for him to make these charges without a shred of evidence. If "change is coming," as many Canadians seem to be indicating, let's start by getting our politics out of Mr. Kinsella's gutter.
Tony Burman, editor-in-chief, CBC News, Toronto.

Tuesday, December 12, 2006

The garbagemen, the croakers, the drug company and the Pope: Lean times at Daisy

Liar Kinsella's lobbying clients, as of Dec. 12, 2006. How will they fare after the next provincial election? It's all sooo punk.



DocuData Software Inc.
Enbridge Gas Distribution Inc.
Pfizer Consumer Healthcare
Waste Management
Toronto Archdiocese
3M Canada Company
Ticketmaster, L.L.C.
Ontario Funeral Service Association
Ontario Grains and Oilseeds Safety Net Committee
Labatt Brewing Company Ltd.


Here's the entry for Daisy Consulting. Notice the scanty list of clients is shared by three people working out of the same high-rent Yorkville office owned by Michael Marzolini, owner of the Pollara polling firm and a sponsor of 50-year-old Pierre Bourque's ludicrous stock car career:

Organization
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Client
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Registration Number
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Declan Doyle Daisy Consulting Group Ontario Funeral Service Association
Declan Doyle Daisy Consulting Group Ontario College of Pharmacists
Cameron Summers Daisy Consulting Group DocuData Software Inc.
Declan Doyle Daisy Consulting Group Waste Management
Declan Doyle Daisy Consulting Group Ticketmaster, L.L.C.
Declan Doyle Daisy Consulting Group Labatt Brewing Company Ltd.
Cameron Summers Daisy Consulting Group Enbridge Gas Distribution Inc.
Cameron Summers Daisy Consulting Group Pfizer Consumer Healthcare
Cameron Summers Daisy Consulting Group Toronto Archdiocese
Cameron Summers Daisy Consulting Group Waste Management
Cameron Summers Daisy Consulting Group 3M Canada Company
Declan Doyle Daisy Consulting Group 3M Canada Company
Cameron Summers Daisy Consulting Group Ontario College of Pharmacists
Cameron Summers Daisy Consulting Group Ontario Grains and Oilseeds Safety Net Committee
Declan Doyle Daisy Consulting Group Ontario Grains and Oilseeds Safety Net Committee

Burman tears Kinsella a new one

The CBC's Tony Burman points out liar Kinsella's basic inability to get facts straight:

Tony Burman, National PostPublished: Tuesday, December 12, 2006
When Warren Kinsella fails to get even the basic facts right in his Dec. 7 column about the CBC - by claiming there were 3,000 CBC positions lost in 2001 when the correct number was actually 235 -- it is difficult to take his assessment of plans to strengthen Cockneys seriously.
However, we thank him for the opportunity to reiterate how we plan to serve the changing needs of Canadians.
In the years since CBC Television cut back -- for financial reasons -- our local news, the media landscape has changed radically. New technologies increasingly allow Canadians access to the news and information they want -- when, where and how they want it. In turn, they create opportunities for news organizations to better interact with their audiences, and do it in ways that are cost-effective.
Last week, CBC News announced its response to the changing environment with a plan to meet Canadians' needs through a deeply local, multi-platform news service that embraces the diversity, unique interests and perspectives of Canada's communities.
The initiative is driven by two key principles:
- First, listen to Canadians and provide them with the stories and perspectives that are important to them.
- Second, do it in a way that encourages their greater participation in the public dialogue.
What this means is that we'll be looking for more user-generated content and more interactivity with our audiences. In turn, Canadians will be able to self- select the news and information programming they want from us.
CBC can no longer think of itself as a television or radio broadcaster.
Rather, we're a content provider and our objective is to provide news and information to Canadians via their network or platform of choice.
The new service, then, will be far more than a revamped TV supper hour newscast. Though television and radio remain important platforms for us, our newscasts will also be available online, on cellphones, Black Berries and, eventually, on new emerging platforms.
We are going to roll this initiative out gradually. Starting in Vancouver next spring, we will develop and test the new service, new work practices and, most importantly, learn from our audiences. After that, we'll expand to other locations across the country.
People deserve a choice. In a city like Vancouver, where 86% of the media is dominated by two corporate entities, Canadians should be able to choose their public broadcaster if they want to, when they want to and how they want to. That's what we'll be giving them.
- Tony Burman is CBC News editor-in-chief.